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1. Such large, impersonal manipulation of capital ａｎｄ　industry greatly increased the numbers ａｎｄ　importance of shareholders as a class, an element in national life representing irresponsible wealth detached from the lａｎｄ?。幔睿洹he duties of the landowners: ａｎｄ　almost equally detached from the responsible management of business.

[參考譯文] 這樣巨大而非個(gè)人的對資金和產(chǎn)業(yè)的操縱極大地增加了股東的數(shù)量和他 們作為一個(gè)階級的重要性，這是國家生活中代表不負(fù)責(zé)任的財(cái)富的一個(gè) 因素，這種財(cái)富不但遠(yuǎn)離了土地和土地?fù)碛姓叩呢?zé)任，而且?guī)缀跬瑯优c 公司的負(fù)責(zé)任的管理毫無關(guān)系。

2. Towns like Bournemouth ａｎｄ　Eastbourne sprang up to house large "comfortable" classes who had retired on their incomes, ａｎｄ　who had no relation to the rest of the community except that of drawing dividends ａｎｄ　occasionally attending a shareholders\\\' meeting to dictate their orders to the management.

[參考譯文] 像伯恩茅斯和伊斯特本這樣的城鎮(zhèn)的涌現(xiàn)是為了給那些數(shù)量很多的"舒適"階級提供居住場所。這些人依賴于其豐厚收入而不工作，他們除了 分紅和偶爾參加一下股東大會(huì)，向管理層口授一下自己的命令之外，跟社會(huì)的其他階層毫無瓜葛。   

3. The "shareholders" as such had no knowledge of the lives, thoughts ｏｒneeds of the workmen employed by the company in which he held shares, ａｎｄ　his influence on the relations of capital ａｎｄ　labｏｒwas not good.

[參考譯文] 這樣的"股東"對他擁有股份的公司所雇用的工人們的生活、思想和需 求一無所知，而且他們對勞資雙方的關(guān)系都不會(huì)產(chǎn)生積極的影響。

4. The paid manager acting fｏｒthe company was in more direct relation with the men ａｎｄ　their demands, but even he had seldom that familiar personal knowledge of the workmen which the employer had often had under the more patriarchal system of the old family business now passing away.

[參考譯文] 代表公司的花錢雇來的經(jīng)理與工人及其需求的關(guān)系更加直接，但是就連 他對工人們也沒有那種熟識(shí)的私人之間的了解。而在現(xiàn)在正在消失的古 老家族公司的那種更加家長式的制度下的雇主們卻常常對他們的工人有 這樣的私人關(guān)系。

5. Among the many shaping factors, I would single out the country\\\'s excellent elementary schools: a labｏｒforce that welcomed the new technology; the practice of giving premiums to inventors; and above all the American genius fｏｒnonverbal, "spatial" thinking about things technological.

[參考譯文] 在許多形成因素當(dāng)中，我將挑選出這些：這個(gè)國家優(yōu)秀的小學(xué)教育：歡 迎新技術(shù)的勞動(dòng)者們：獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)發(fā)明者的做法;而且最重要的是美國人在對 那些技術(shù)性事物的非言語的、"空間性的"思考方面的天賦。

6. As Eugene Ferguson has pointed out, "A technologist thinks about objects that can not be reduced to unambiguous verbal descriptions: they are dealt with in his mind by a visual, nonverbal process...The designer ａｎｄ　the inventor.., are able to assemble and manipulate in their minds devices that as yet do not exist".

[參考譯文] 正如尤金·弗格森所指出的那樣："一個(gè)技術(shù)專家思考那些不能被簡化成 能被清楚的語言描述的東西。這些東西在他的思維中是通過一種視覺的、 非語言表述的過程宋處理的……設(shè)計(jì)者和發(fā)明者……能夠在他們的腦中 裝配并操作那些還不存在的裝置。"

7. Robert Fulton once wrote, "The mechanic should sit down among levers, screws, wedges, wheel, etc, like a poet among the letters of the alphabet, considering them as an exhibition of his thoughts, in which a new arrangement transmits a new idea".

[參考譯文] 羅伯特·法歐特曾經(jīng)這樣寫到："一個(gè)技師會(huì)坐在杠桿、螺絲釘、楔子、 輪子等等當(dāng)中，就像一個(gè)詩人沉浸在字母表的字母中，把這些字母看成 自己思想的展示，在這樣的展示中，每種新的次序安排都傳達(dá)了--種新 的思想。"

8. In the last three chapters, he takes off his gloves ａｎｄ　gives the creationists a good beating. He describes their programs and, tactics, and, fｏｒthose unfamiliar with the ways of creationists, the extent of their deception ａｎｄ　distortion may come as an unpleasant surprise.

[參考譯文] 在最后三章中，他脫下手套，將神造論者好好地揍了一頓。他描述了他 們的活動(dòng)和戰(zhàn)術(shù)，而且，對于那些對神造論者的做事方式;熟悉的人來 說，神造論者的欺騙和扭曲事實(shí)的程度可能會(huì)令這些人有一種不快的詫異。

9. On the dust jacket of this fine book, Stephen Jay Gould says: "This book stands fｏｒreason itself." ａｎｄ　so it does-ａｎｄ　all wound be well were reason the only judge in the creationism/evolution debate.

[參考譯文] 在這本杰出的書的外紙封面上，史蒂芬·杰伊·古爾德寫道："這本書本 身就代表理性。"而它確實(shí)是這樣的--而且如果理性成為神造論/地化 論之間的辯論中的惟一評判標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的話，一切就都好辦了。

10. After six months of arguing ａｎｄ　final 16 hours of hot parliamentary debates, Australia\\\'s Northern Territory became the first legal authority in the world to allow doctors to take the lives of incurably ill patients who wish to die.

[參考譯文] 經(jīng)過了六個(gè)月的爭論以及最后16個(gè)小時(shí)激烈的議會(huì)辯論，澳大利亞北 部地區(qū)成了世界上第一個(gè)允許醫(yī)生終止希望死去的絕癥病人生命的立 法當(dāng)局。

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